I'd argue it was done to conceal subsidies to the industry. Setting track access charges so low allowed the government to manufacture TOC-to-DfT 'premiums'. This provided a way for the government to claim that the privatised railway was less subsidised than it was, staving off challenges to the status quo over the last three decades.
The Treasury and DfT are functionally part of the same body. They are the state. What column of the public accounts the money comes out of is immaterial, what matters is net support.
The DFT supports OA 'in principle' because it was politically advantageous for Labour to do so during the election.
It will, however, likely work dilligently to crush all actual OA operations because that is in the interests of the state.Also Heathrow Express likely affects its budget, although less obviously!
Then the state should correct this and raise track access charges to the fully burdened commercial value. Obviously that would destroy freight and open access operations, but then the effect would be much the same!
My view is that Open Access has to go if the mess the industry is in is to be fixed.
When Railtrack was set up, the idea was that the Government would fund the capital investment but everything else would come through the access charges. Therefore, with low variable charges, the Franchises each had a large Fixed Track Access bill, much larger than today. I was the one who paid them at my TOC. I forget exactly what then occurred but around the time the first FTA bills were paid, it all changed and the Grant funding element was increased substantially and the FTA bill reduced dramatically.
Ostensibly it was done for internal DfT purposes, classifying as much expenditure as they could as “investment”. But the effect of this was to turn Railtrack’s eyes towards the DfT as their real customer, not to the TOCs. One TOC, Virgin iirc, tried to withhold the FTA but were rudely told that they couldn’t do that - it wasn’t a real charge, just a way of subsidising NR. The FA effectively prohibited such a move.
Whether TOCs makes premiums to the DfT or takes subsidy excites some people but leaves me cold because the TOC FTA goes up and down like a yo-yo and every TOC (through the NNGNNL clauses) is held neutral for the effect any change has on the subsidy/premium line. As nearly every service group makes a loss, once you take into account even long term incremental costs, let alone true non traffic related fixed costs, it all becomes a little pointless to wibble on about premiums when the DfT is directly paying NR for a good proportion of the TOC caused infrastructure costs.
You would be surprised how much the Treasury values its “own” gains rather than through the departments. OA have very good links to the Treasury, better in some cases than to the DfT! They find them far more receptive and quicker to act.
Every political party has supported OA in principle but the DfT can’t control it and OA affects their budget. So they feel frustrated. However, the DfT revenue loss figures for OA are usually overstated.
What can be charged is laid out in EU 2015/909 and GBR intend to use this as their basis for charging. Unlike today they are looking at including long run incremental costs in that charge, which is permissible if the “market can bear” tests are abolished, which is expected. That is an existential threat to OA. GBR can give discounts to certain market sectors, such as Freight and Charter/Heritage, as these satisfy certain criteria but OA looks unlikely, as they would be effectively subsidising competing services to their own. That would almost certainly be illegal in current non-rail legislation.